Notes on Arabic PAPPI:
VSO Word Order

1. Theory

1.1 Examples

Taken from [pg19ff, Chapter 2: Word Order, Agreement and Case, Fassi Fehri (1993)]

 
[5]   kataba r-rajul-u   r-risaalat-a   
      wrote  the-man-nom the-letter-acc 
      The man wrote the letter

[6]   Qarad-tu Qan  y-uqaabil-a r-rajul-u   l-mudiir-a
      wanted-I that 3-meet-subj the-man-nom the-director-acc
      I wanted the man to meet the director

[25]  Qa laa y-aQtii zayd-un
      Q  not 3-comes Zayd-nom
      Isn't Zayd coming?

[Notes: orthographical representation limited by ASCII. Q for ? (glottal plosive). Capitalization in general will indicate the presence of unrepresented diacritics.]

Need the following components:

V raising to I (already in PAPPI for English auxiliaries and main verbs for other languages)
Empty expletive EXPL (new)
VP-internal subjects (implementation exists but not part of standard PAPPI)
Case assignment for spec-VP (new)

Case particles as markers following nouns (mechanism exists already in PAPPI, e.g. Japanese -ga (NOM), -o (ACC), -ni (DAT), marking).

In PAPPI, markers are elements that don't project syntactic structure, but instead are realizations of features. Sample lexical entries:

% markers
lex(ta,mrkr,[left(v,morph(_,past(+)),[]),           k(a4bf)]).
lex(wa,mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(topic)),k(a4cf)]).
lex(ga,mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(nom)),  k(a4ac)]).
lex(o, mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(acc)),  k(a4f2)]).
lex(wo,mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(acc)),  k(a4f2)]). % orthography
lex(no,mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(gen)),  k(a4ce)]).
lex(ni,mrkr,[left(n,[],              morphC(dat)),  k(a4f2)]).

Determiners as markers preceding nouns (incomplete mechanism exists for of-insertion and the infinitival marker to)

Lexical entries:

lex(to,mrkr,[right(v, morph(_,[]),inf([]))]).	  % infinitival marker
lex(of,mrkr,[right(np,case(gen),  [])]).	  % object genitive Case

Pronominal clitics (use clitic mechanism from French and Spanish pronominal clitic implementation).
```
lex(il,pf(cl),[a(-),p(+),agr([3,sg,m])|Fs]) :- subjClFeaturesInv(nom,Fs).

subjClFeaturesInv(MCase,[adjoin(v,right),morphC(MCase)]).
```
Assume -tu in Qarad-tu is a pronominal clitic.

negP higher than IP (new).

X' rule system:

rule XB -> [X|compl(X)] ordered headInitial(X)
			st bar(XB), proj(X,XB), head(X).

rule compl(X) -> [] st lexicalProperty(X,grid(_,Roles),no1stRole(Roles),_).
rule compl(X) -> [Y] st compl(X,Y).
rule compl(X) -> [Y] st lexicalProperty(X,grid(_,Roles),csr1st(Roles,Y),Y).
rule compl(X) -> [Y] st lexicalProperty(X,subcat(Y$_,_),Y).

In standard PAPPI, neg is between Infl and V.

compl(i,vp).	compl(i,negp). compl(neg,vp). compl(c,i2).

2. Implementation

2.1 Parses

Two parses are reported by PAPPI for (6). Coindexation/non-coindexation of the two expletives.

2.2 V Raising to I

Head movement rules from file xbar.pl:

%% HEAD MOVEMENT
%% NB. requires rule for empty C for adjunction in periphery

rule v(V) moves_to i provided agr(strong), finite(V).
rule v(V) moves_to i provided agr(weak), V has_feature aux.

rule v(V) moves_to i moves_to c provided agr(strong), finite(V).
rule v(V) moves_to i moves_to c provided 
	agr(weak), V has_feature aux, finite(V).

rule i(I) moves_to v(V) provided agr(weak), \+ V has_feature aux,
	post_cond addFeature(noECP(_),I).
rule i(I) moves_to v(V) provided agr(strong), \+ finite(V),
	post_cond addFeature(noECP(_),I).

rule v doesnt_move provided v$vp subcat_by v.
rule v(V) moves_through neg provided_iff negationMoves, V has_feature neg.

rule i(I) derived_from v(V) provided recoverIfromV(I,V).
rule neg(Neg) derived_from v(V) provided negFromV(Neg,V).

% Coping with antecedent government of head traces
rule head_adjoined _ add_feature transparent(ecp).

Set language parameter:

agr(strong)

Rules are selected and compiled into the bottom-up parser with an environment stack for passing HM traces. For details, see "Verbal Inflection, Head Movement and LR Parsing", Fong S. To appear in Principle-Based Parsing: from Theory to Practice, ed. R.C. Berwick, Kluwer Academic.

2.3 Empty Expletive

PAPPI has overt expletives, e.g. it and there.

lex(there,n,[agr([3,[],[]]),nonarg(+),linkTo(np)]).
lex(it,   n,[agr([3,sg,n]), nonarg(+),linkTo(c2)]).

Crucial feature is nonarg(+).

linkTo for expletive linking there is a man in... and it is important that....

Empty categories are inserted essentially as featureless (modulo positional features) at phrase structure recovery time:

Features instantiated as constraints are applied over the course of the derivation:

Typology: PRO, pro, wh-trace, NP-trace, parasitic gap, etc.

In particular, in the standard implementation, BT-relevant features a(_) and p(_) are instantiated by Functional Determination.

Other principles: ECP, AGR Criterion (see AGR Criterion notes)

2.4 VP-Internal Subject

[See detailed notes here.]

2.5 Case Assignment for Spec-VP

In PAPPI's VP-Internal Subject implementation, Spec-VP is not a Case position.

Structural Case assignment occurs under government. Extend definition of government to allow INFL to govern into Spec-VP (bit like ECM):

governs(I,Subj,Proj) :-				  % governing into Spec-VP
	\+ adjoined(Proj),
	I head_of Proj,
	I has_feature agr(AGR),
	poorAGR(AGR),
	XP complement_of Proj,
	Subj specifier_of XP.

In the following tree,

Proj = I1/I2, I = I(AGR)[1], XP = VP,
Subj = NP[3]

[For poorAGR/1, see AGR Criterion notes.]

2.6 Case Particles as Markers

% Case
lex(u, mrkr,[left(n,[],[suffix(nom),morphC(nom)])]).
lex(un,mrkr,[left(n,[],[suffix(nom),morphC(nom)])]).
lex(a, mrkr,[left(n,[],[suffix(acc),morphC(acc)])]).
lex(an,mrkr,[left(n,[],[suffix(acc),morphC(acc)])]).

left(C,MatchFeatures,NewFeatures)

Parameter	Description
`C`	category to which the marker attaches
`MatchFeatures`	list of features the matching category must have
`NewFeatures`	the features represented by the marker

morphC(nom/acc) is added to the noun to which the marker (mrkr) attaches.

[suffix/1 is for tree display purposes only.]

Example:

2.7 Determiners as Markers

Similar to Case particles, but using feature right/3:

lex(r,mrkr,[right(n,[],[prefix(r),def(+)])]).

for r-raju-u and r-risaalat-a in (5).

[prefix/1 is for tree display purposes only. Doesn't work at the moment.]

Verb agreement morphemes are also implemented this way. For example:

% Agreement
lex(at,mrkr,[left(v,[],[suffix(f),     agr([[],[],f])])]). % f
lex(na,mrkr,[left(v,[],[suffix('f.pl'),agr([[],pl,f])])]). % f.pl

at encodes GEN (f) and na encodes GEN + NUM for daxal-at (entered-f) and daxal-na (entered-f.pl), respectively.

What to do about Qayy-a rajul-in (which-acc man-gen) and kull-a rajul-in (every-acc man-gen)?

2.8 Pronominal Clitics

Example:

[39a] baqarat-an Saahad-tu
      cow-acc    saw-I
      A cow, I saw

Also see parse for (6).

lex(tu,pf(cl),[a(-),p(+),agr([1,sg,[m,f]]),eng(i)|Fs]) :- subjClFeatures(Fs).

subjClFeatures([adjoin(v,right),morphC(nom)]).

2.9 NegP

Example:

[25] Qa laa y-aQtii zayd-un
     Q  not 3-comes Zayd-nom
     Isn't Zayd coming?

Redefine compl/2 relation:

compl(i,vp). compl(neg,i2). compl(c,i2). compl(c,negp).

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Notes on Arabic PAPPI:VSO Word Order

1. Theory

1.1 Examples

2. Implementation

2.1 Parses

2.2 V Raising to I

2.3 Empty Expletive

2.4 VP-Internal Subject

2.5 Case Assignment for Spec-VP

2.6 Case Particles as Markers

2.7 Determiners as Markers

2.8 Pronominal Clitics

2.9 NegP

Notes on Arabic PAPPI:
VSO Word Order