Double Object Constructions
and the Zero Morpheme G

PAPPI parses are shown for a range of double-object examples involving zero and lexical prepositions taken from Chapter 5 of Zero Syntax (Pesetsky 95).

[Example numbers (where given) are also from (Pesetsky 95).]

Contents

The Example Parses

John gave a book to Mary
A book was sent to Mary
*Mary was sent a book to

Give-NP-to-NP

Passivization of Give-NP-to-NP

Indirect Object Passivization of Give-NP-to-NP

John sent Mary a book
[339a] Bill was sent a book
[339b] *A book was sent Bill
[340d] #Mary sent France the book

Send-NP-G-NP

Passivization of Send-NP-G-NP

Indirect Object Passivization of Send-NP-G-NP

Animate Goal Restriction for G in Send-NP-G-NP

[341a] The book got to Sue
[341b] Sue got the book
[343a] *Sue was got to by the book
[343b] *The book was got to by Sue

Unaccusative Get-NP-to-NP

Unaccusative Get-NP-G-NP

Nonpassivization of the Indirect Object in Get-NP-to-NP

Note: in this and the next case, passive be fails to subcategorize for a verb without an external role:

lex(be,v,[morph(be,[]),aux,[subcat(vp$[morph(_,ed(2)),grid([_],[_|_]),
			       not(noCasemark(+))], % clever block
			      [noCasemark(+)]), 
		    blockTheta]]).

lex(get,v,[morph(get,[]),grid([],[goal,theme]),noCasemark(+),ecm(oblig)]).

Nonpassivization in Get-NP-to-NP

[345a] I showed John himself in the mirror
[345b] *I showed himself[i] John[i] in the mirror
[348a] I showed John to himself in the mirror
[348b] *I showed himself[i] to John[i] in the mirror

Anaphor Binding in Show-NP-G-NP

Condition A in Show-NP-G-NP

Anaphor Binding in Show-NP-to-NP

Condition A in Show-NP-to-NP

[346a] I showed no one anything
[346b] *I showed anyone nothing
[349a] I showed nothing to anyone
[349b] *I showed anything to no one

NPI Licensing in Show-NP-NP

Unlicensed NPI in Show-NP-NP

NPI Licensing in Show-NP-to-NP

Unlicensed NPI in Show-NP-to-NP

[347a] I denied every worker[i] his[i] paycheck
[347b] *I denied its[i] owner every paycheck[i]

Quantifier Binding in Deny-NP-G-NP

Quantifier Binding and Weak Crossover in Deny-NP-G-NP

[350a] I gave every paycheck[i] to its[i] owner
[350b] ??I gave his[i] paycheck to every owner
[356a] Mary gave some canned food to Oxfam
[356b] Mary gave Oxfam some canned food
[356c] Mary donated some canned food to Oxfam
[356d] *Mary donated some canned food to Oxfam

Quantifier Binding in Give-NP-to-NP

Quantifier Binding and Weak Crossover in Give-NP-to-NP

No Affixation for Give-NP-to-NP

Affixation and Give-NP-NP

No Affixation for Donate-NP-to-NP

Affixation and Donate-NP-NP

[370b] Mary threw the book to John
[370a] Mary threw John the book

Ballistic motion and Throw-NP-to-NP

Ballistic motion and Throw-NP-NP

[371a] Mary pulled the trunk to Sue
[371b] *Mary pulled Sue the trunk
[374a] *Mary pulled the trunk at Sue

Continual causation of accompanied motion and Pull-NP-to-NP

Continual causation of accompanied motion and Pull-NP-NP

Continual causation of accompanied motion and Pull-NP-at-NP

[373b] Mary flung the package at Sue

See also (above)
[374a] *Mary pulled the trunk at Sue

Ballistic motion and Fling-NP-at-NP

[375ai] Mary threw the book in the room
[375aii] Mary threw the book into the room

Pure locative and directional readings with Throw-NP-in-NP

Pure locative reading with Throw-NP-into-NP

[376ai] Mary pulled the trunk on the mat
[376aii] Mary pulled the trunk onto the mat

Pure locative reading with Pull-NP-on-NP

Pure locative reading with Pull-NP-onto-NP