Minimalist Machine Derivations

Example	Stream of heads (click + ⇇Send)	Notes
(1a)(=17c) I don’t like the man who(m) John saw (17d) the man whom that John saw* (Gallego 2006:154)	[man, who_rel, see, 'v*', [john, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man to its edge. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Accusative who_rel spells out as whom (dialect).
(1b)(= 7a;17e) I don’t like the man who loves Mary (7a;17f) the man who that loves Mary* (See also Figure 13.) (Gallego 2006:151)	[mary, d, love, 'v*', [man, who_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man to its edge. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Nominative Case who_rel spells out as who.
(8a) the boy that called Mary *the boy called Mary (DP)	[mary, d, call, 'v*', [boy, d_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel man to its edge. N man has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel, valued instead by T raising to edge of C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. d_rel is not spelled out.
(9a) the car which that John sold the car which John sold*	[car, which_rel, sell, 'v*', [john, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP which_rel car to its edge. N car has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as which_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. which_rel spells out as which.
(10a) the boy [who was] told the story the boy told the story (original reduced relative example fn.23) *the boy who that was told the story	[story, the, 'G_2', [boy, who_rel], tell, prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Preposition G₂ here is dyadic. Form VP {told {who_rel boy, {G₂, the story}}}. G₂ values Oblique Case on its complement the story. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel boy to its edge. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. preposition G₂ does not spell out. v~ spells out as be Nominative Case who_rel spells out as who. Verb tell with affix prt spells out as the past participle told.
(10b) the boy who told the story *the boy who that told the story (See also Figures 1-3.)	[story, the, tell, 'v*', [boy, who_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel boy to its edge. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Nominative Case who_rel spells out as who.
(11) the book on syntax that I read the book on syntax I read	[book, [syntax, d, on_1], d_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel book on syntax to its edge. Assume book on syntax behaves as a nominal head with a pair-Merged PP adjunct on syntax that must pied-pipe. Preposition on here is monadic on₁, cf. dyadic on₂ as in put the book on the shelf. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Two choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject I raising to C_rel. N book has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. Noun with pair-Merged adjunct book on syntax counts as a head and raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. on₁ is spelled out as on. if (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced. d_rel is not spelled out.
(fn.26) the destruction of the city that led to the collapse of the empire *the destruction that of the city led to the collapse of the empire.	[empire, the, of_1, collapse, the, to_prt, lead, 'v*', [destruction, [city, the, of_1], d_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Analyze lead to as verb + particle. v* values Accusative Case on the collapse of the empire. Tpast values Nominative Case on destruction of the city. Preposition of here is monadic of₁. Assume the PP headed by of is an adjunct of head destruction (pair-Merge), but the complement of collapse (set-Merge). Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel <destruction, of₁ the city> to its edge. N destruction has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. Noun with pair-Merged adjunct <destruction, of₁ the city> counts as a head and raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel with Nominative Case does not value T on C_rel, valued instead by T raising to edge of C_rel. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. d_rel is not spelled out.
(13) the book that I read the book I read (See also Figures 4-5.)	[book, d_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel book to its edge. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Two choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject I raising to C_rel. N book has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. book raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. If (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced. d_rel is not spelled out.
(14) The man that I talked to The man I talked to The man to that I talked The man to I talked (See also Figures 6-7.)	[man, d_rel, to_prt, talk, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Analyze talk to as verb + particle. v* values Accusative Case on d_rel man. Tpast values Nominative Case on I. No pied-piping of verb particle to with d_rel-man as d_rel is not pronounced. [An] EC [Empty Category] disallows pied-piping (Chomsky, 2001:28). Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel man to its edge. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Two choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject I raising to C_rel. N man has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. man raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. If (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced. d_rel is not spelled out. Verb particle to_prt spells out as to.
(15) The boy (that/who) called Mary the boy who that called Mary (See (8a) above for the boy (that) called Mary*.) (See also Figure 8.)	[mary, d, call, 'v*', [boy, who_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation, the one with who_rel described here, see (8a) for the one with d_rel. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Nominative Case who_rel spells out as who.
(16) the boy (that) John thinks that called Mary (See also Figure 9.)	[mary, d, call, 'v*', [boy, d_rel], 'Tpast', c_e, think, v_unerg, [john, d], 'T', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. (See paper for discussion concerning the status of the lower that.) Relativization from an embedded subject position. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel boy to its edge. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Two choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject John raising to C_rel. As d_rel cannot value T on C generally, assuming intermediate C_e (for embedded C) has an unvalued T feature, T to C movement is obligatory in the case of the lower clause, and pronounced as that. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. If (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced. d_rel is not spelled out.
(17a) the book which I read *the book which that I read (See also Figure 11.)	[book, which_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Single derivation. Phase head C_rel attracts DP which_rel book to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as which_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. N book has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. which_rel spells out as which.
(18a) the man whom I talked to (Gallego 2006:152) (18b) the man to whom I talked (18c) the man whom that I talked to (18d) the man to whom that I talked (See also Figures 14-15.)	[man, who_rel, to_prt, talk, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Analyze talk to as verb + particle. v* values Accusative Case on d_rel man. Tpast values Nominative Case on I. Optional pied-piping of verb particle to_prt with DP who_rel man. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, as who_rel values both T and Rel on C_rel. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Accusative Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). Implementation detail: verb particle to_prt also spells out as to but differs from preposition to in that the former does not assign Case (the latter assigns inherent Case).
(19a) the time when I got drunk (19b) *the time when that I got drunk (See also Figure 16.)	[drunk, get, v_unerg, [i, d], 'Tpast', [time, when_rel], c_rel, the]	One derivation. Assume when_rel time is merged at TP level for semantic reasons. Both pair merge and set merge options are tested. Because extraction must take place for relativization, only the set merge option can succeed. (Pair merged adjuncts are inaccessible to probing.) Phase head C_rel attracts DP when_rel time to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by when_rel. Implementation detail: unused. that correlates with finite T. Even if Tinf raised to edge of C_rel, it shouldn't spell out as that. Implementation detail: how does non-argument when_rel time get Case? We could assume inherent Case. We permit C_rel to assign it Oblique Case. (Could change this.) N time has an unvalued (by when_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out.
(20a) the baker in whom to place your trust (Example (63a); Sag 1997:461) (20b) the baker whom to place your trust in (Example (63d); Sag 1997:461) the baker in whom that to place your trust *the baker whom that to place your trust in (See also Figure 17.)	[baker, who_rel, in_2, [trust, '\'s', [you, d]], place, 'v*' ,['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Both (20a-b) are predicted to be grammatical here, i.e.assuming pied-piping of preposition in is permitted. (Judgements shown are from Sag.) Assume in is dyadic, i.e. VP structure is {place, {your trust, {in₂, who_rel baker}}}, cf. monadic in₁ as in there is a man in the room. Preposition in values Oblique Case on its complement who_rel baker. Implementation detail: Tinf values nullCase on PRO. PRO values ɸ on Tinf. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel baker to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. N baker has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Oblique Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). PRO does not spell out. in₂ spells out as in.
(21a) the person to visit (Example (75c); Sag 1997: 464) (See also Figure 18.)	[person, d_rel, visit, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Implementation detail: Tinf values nullCase on PRO. PRO values ɸ on Tinf. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel person to its edge. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Only one choice for valuing T on C_rel: Tinf raising to edge of C_rel. PRO has nullCase, not Nominative Case. N person has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel, d_rel and PRO do not spell out. Tinf in C_rel does not spell out.
(21b) the person for us to visit (Example (75b); Sag 1997: 464) (See also Figure 19.)	[person, d_rel, visit, 'v*', [we, d], 'Tinf', for, c_rel, the]	One derivation. Assume complementizer for licenses the overt subject, we, in a untensed clause by assigning Oblique Case, and it can value T on c_rel. Assume further that C_rel piggy-backs on top of for. Phase head C_rel attracts DP d_rel person to its edge. Rel on C_rel is valued by d_rel, but empty d_rel does not value T on C_rel. Economy does not apply. Only one choice for valuing T on C_rel: closest head is for, raising to edge of C_rel. We has Oblique, not Nominative Case. N person has an unvalued (by d_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Non-nominative we spells out as us. d_rel does not spell out. Tinf in C_rel does not spell out.
(22a) What I read (22b) *What that I read (See also Figure 20.)	[pro_n, what_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, d]	One derivation. Headless relative clause. Implementation detail: assume what is what_rel + pro_n (covert nominal). Phase head C_rel attracts DP what_relpro_n to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. Assume N pro_n has an unvalued (by what_rel) D-feature (just like lexical nouns). It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with covert D, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel, overt D and pro_n do not spell out.
(23a) What annoys John (23b) *What that annoys John (See also Figure 21.)	[john, d, annoy, 'v*', [pro_n, what_rel], 'T', c_rel, d]	One derivation. Headless relative clause. Implementation detail: assume what is what_rel + pro_n (covert nominal). Phase head C_rel attracts DP what_relpro_n to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. Assume N pro_n has an unvalued (by what_rel) D-feature (just like lexical nouns). It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with covert D, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel, overt D and pro_n do not spell out.
(24a) the boy who told the story (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) *the boy who that told the story	[story, the, tell, 'v*', [boy, who_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Basic subject relative clause. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel boy to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Nominative Case who_rel spells out as who.
(24b) the letter which Dick wrote yesterday (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) *the letter which that Dick wrote yesterday	[letter, which_rel, write, 'v*', [dick, d], 'Tpast', [yesterday, d], c_rel, the]	An object relative clause. Implementation detail: assume, substantially following (Haumann, 2007) and (Larson, 1985), that yesterday is a TP-level bare NP adverb. It has both inherent Case and an intrinsic theta role. NP yesterday may be freely set or pair Merged at TP. If it doesn't move, it's pair Merged. If it's set Merged, it violates {XP, YP} Labeling unless it moves. Phase head C_rel attracts DP which_rel letter to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by which_rel. N letter has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. which_rel spells out as which.
(24c) the man who Ann gave the present to (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) the man to who(m) Ann gave the present (pied-piping) the man who(m) that Ann gave the present to the man to who(m) that Ann gave the present	[man, who_rel, to_2, [present, the], give, 'v*', [ann, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Relativization of the indirect object of a double object verb. Assume to is dyadic, i.e. VP structure is {give, {the present, {to₂, who_rel man}}}. Preposition to₂ values Oblique Case on its complementwho_rel man. Assume further that pied-piping of to₂ is possible. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Oblique Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect).
(24d) the box which Pat brought the apples in (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) the box in which Pat brought the apples (pied-piping) the box which that Pat brought the apples in the box in which that Pat brought the apples in	[box, which_rel, in_2, [apples, the], bring, 'v*', [pat, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Assume bring...in involves a dyadic preposition in, i.e. VP structure is {bring, {the apples, {in₂, which_rel box}}}. Preposition in₂ values Oblique Case on its complement which_rel box. Assume further that pied-piping of in₂ is possible. Phase head C_rel attracts DP which_rel box to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by which_rel. N box has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. which_rel spells out as which. in₂ spells out as in.
(24e) the dog which was taught by John (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) *the dog which that was taught by John	[dog, which_rel, teach, [[john, d], by], prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Relativization of passivized object. Implementation detail: we adapt Sobin's (2014) account of passivization. Unvalued Case shared between prt and which_rel dog. Which_rel dog values ɸ for prt. Tpast values Nominative Case on which_rel dog. Dog values ɸ on Tpast. Which_rel dog raises to the edge of Tpast. Assume also that the agentive by-phrase is pair-merged to teach (lowest available point on the VP, not prt or v~). Phase head C_rel attracts DP which_rel dog to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by which_rel. N dog has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. which_rel spells out as which. v~ spells out as be. Tpast[ɸ :SG] + be = was. Verb teach with affix prt spells out as past participle taught.
(25) the boy who Mike writes better than (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) ?the boy than who Mike writes better* *the boy who that Mike writes better than (See also Figure 22.)	[boy, who_rel, than, better, write, 'v_unerg', [mike, d], 'T', c_rel, the]	Two derivations, one blocked at Spellout. Relativization of the object of a comparative. Implementation detail: assume for the purpose of this example that than is a preposition taking a DP object, not a C as needed in the case of Comparative Deletion (not implemented here), e.g. as in Mike writes better than I do/write. (See also detail below on blocking pied-piping of than.) Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel boy to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Oblique Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). Implementation detail: a parse is obtained at step 17. A second parse, one involving pied-piping, is obtained later at step 32. However, we assume it's blocked by a spellout rule: Crash: sequence 'than whom ' cannot be spelled out
(26) the girl whose friends bought the cake (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) (See also Figure 23.)	[cake, the, buy, 'v*', [friends,'\'s',[girl, who_rel]],'Tpast',c_rel,the]	One derivation. Relativization of a genitive from a subject. Assume the possessive 's DP: [_'s [_who who_rel girl][_'s 's friends]]. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel girl's friends to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. N girl has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. who_rel + 's spells out as whose.
(27) the man whose house Patrick bought (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) (fn.55) the man whose house that Patrick bought (T-to-C variant) (See also Figure 24.)	[house, '\'s', [man, who_rel], buy, 'v*', [patrick, d],'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Relativization of a genitive from the object. Assume the possessive DP structure {{who_rel man}, {'s, house}}. Note that who_rel is not the head of the DP. We must allow C_rel to find it. However, can it value T on C_rel? If so, economy obtains. If not, T-to-C movement is permissible and the variant shown above with that is available. (See also brief discussion in fn. 55.) Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel man's house to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. If embedded who_rel does not value T, economy does not apply. Two alternate choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject Patrick raising to C_rel. We produce both examples listed as grammatical. N man has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. who_rel + 's spells out as whose. If (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced.
(28) the boy whose brother was taught by Sandra (Keenan and Hawkins, 1987: 63) *the boy whose brother that was taught by Sandra	[brother, '\'s', [boy, who_rel], teach, [[sandra, d], by], prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. Relativization of a genitive from the passivized object. Assume the possessive DP {who_rel boy, {'s brother}}. Implementation detail: we adapt Sobin's (2014) account of passivization. Unvalued Case shared between prt and who_rel boy's brother. Brother values ɸ for prt. Tpast values Nominative Case on who_rel boy's brother. Brother values ɸ on Tpast. Who_rel boy's brother. raises to the edge of Tpast. Assume also that the agentive by-phrase is pair-merged to teach (lowest available point on the VP, not prt or v~). Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel boy's brother to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. Suppose embedded who_rel cannot value T. This predicts a (perhaps subtle) subject/object asymmetry. Nominative Case-marked subject who_rel boy's brother can valued T on C_rel. Then economy still holds. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. who_rel + 's spells out as whose. v~ spells out as be. Tpast[ɸ :SG] + be = was. Verb teach with affix prt spells out as taught. Implementation detail: the agentive by-phrase is tested for both pair and set Merge. The illicit set Merge case starts at step 29 and crashes (with no possible action).
(29) the girl who(m) friends of bought the cake (cf. (26)) the girl who(m) that friends of bought the cake the girl of who(m) friends bought the cake *the girl of who(m) that friends bought the cake (See also Figure 25.)	[cake, the, buy, 'v*', [girl, who_rel, of_1, friends, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations, one blocked at Spellout. Relativization of a genitive from a subject. Preposition of here is monadic of₁, i.e. it takes a single argument. and assigns both a theta role and Oblique Case to it. Assume the DP {friends, {of₁, {who_rel girl}}}. Phase head C_rel attracts DP friends of who_rel girl to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. Nominative Case-marked subject friends of who_rel girl can valued T on C_rel. Then economy still holds. N girl has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Oblique Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). Implementation detail: the parse is obtained at step 18. A second parse with of pied-piping is obtained later at step 29. However, we assume it's blocked by a spellout rule: Crash: sequence 'of₁ whom' cannot be spelled out
(30) the man who Patrick bought the house of (cf. (27)) the man who that Patrick bought the house of the man of who Patrick bought the house *the man of who that Patrick bought the house	[man, who_rel, of_1, house, the, buy, 'v*', [patrick, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations, one blocked at Spellout. Relativization of a genitive from the object. Preposition of here is monadic of₁, i.e. it takes a single argument. and assigns both a theta role and Oblique Case to it. Assume the DP {the, {house, {of₁, {who_rel man}}}}. Phase head C_rel attracts DP house of₁ who_rel man to its edge. By economy, T-to-C blocked, no that, Rel and T on C_rel valued by who_rel. (This assumes a DP complement position is more accessible than a specifier.) N man has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). Implementation detail: a parse is obtained at step 18. A second parse is obtained later at step 34. However, we assume it's blocked by a spellout rule: Crash: sequence 'of₁ whom' cannot be spelled out
(31) the boy who the brother of was taught by Sandra (cf. (28)) *the boy of who the brother was taught by Sandra	[boy, who_rel, of_1, brother, the, teach, [[sandra, d], by], prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivatios, one blocked at Spellout. Relativization of a genitive from a passivized object. Preposition of here is monadic of₁, i.e. it takes a single argument. and assigns both a theta role and Oblique Case to it. Assume the DP {the, {brother, {of₁, {who_rel boy}}}}. Implementation detail: we adapt Sobin's (2014) account of passivization. Unvalued Case shared between prt and the brother of₁ who_rel boy. Brother values ɸ for prt. Tpast values Nominative Case on the brother of₁ who_rel boy. Brother values ɸ on Tpast. The brother of₁ who_rel boy raises to the edge of Tpast. Assume also that the agentive by-phrase is pair-merged to teach (lowest available point on the VP, not prt or v~). Phase head C_rel attracts DP the brother of₁ who_rel boy to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. Nominative Case-marked subject the brother of₁ who_rel boy can valued T on C_rel. Then economy still holds. N boy has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Oblique Case who_rel spells out as whom (dialect). Implementation detail: the parse is obtained at step 25. A second parse with of pied-piping is obtained later at step 51. However, we assume it's blocked by a spellout rule: Crash: sequence 'of₁' whom' cannot be spelled out Furthermore, the agentive by-phrase is tested for both pair and set Merge. The illicit set Merge cases start at steps 29 and 52 for the non-pied-piping and pied-piping varieties. Both illicit cases crash (with no possible action).
(32) Give me the phone number of the person whose mother's friend's sister's dog's appearance had offended the audience (Sag 1997: 450) (See also Figure 26.)	[audience, the ,offend, 'v*', [appearance, '\'s', [dog, '\'s', [sister, '\'s' ,[friend, '\'s', [mother, '\'s', [person, who_rel]]]]]], perf, v, 'Tpast', c_rel, the, of_1, number, phone, the]	One derivation. The DP with the relative pronoun who_rel is recursively embedded within the specifier of possessive 's for the head noun appearance. Despite this, who_rel must be visible to Rel probing. Preposition of here is monadic of₁, i.e. it takes a single argument. and assigns both a theta role and Oblique Case to it. Assume the DP {{{{{{who_rel person}, {'s, mother}}, {'s friend}}, {'s, sister}}, {'s dog}}, {'s, appearance}}. Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel person ‘s mother’s friend’s sister’s dog’s appearance to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. Nominative Case-marked subject who_rel person ‘s mother’s friend’s sister’s dog’s appearance can valued T on C_rel. Then economy still holds. N person has an unvalued (by which_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. v + perf spells out as have. who_rel + 's spells out as whose. of₁ spells out as of.
(fn58)(i) the person whose mother's friend the play offended the person whose mother's friend that the play offended *the person whose the play offended mother's friend	[friend, '\'s', [mother, '\'s', [person, who_rel]] , offend, 'v*', [play:n, the], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. Assume the DP {{{who_rel person}, {'s, mother}}, {'s friend}}. Despite the embedding inside the specifier of the possessive DP, who_rel must be visible to Rel probing. LEX: play is both a noun and verb. Here, we pick out the nominal with :type (n). Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel person 's mother 's friend to its edge. Rel on C_rel valued by who_rel. If embedded who_rel cannot value T, economy does not apply. Two alternate choices for valuing T on C_rel: (A) T raising to edge of C_rel, or (B) Nominative subject the play raising to C_rel. We produce both examples listed as grammatical. N person has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. who_rel + 's spells out as whose. If (A) above, T in edge of C_rel spells out as that. If (B), no that is pronounced.
(fn62i) the student who lives here who studies English	[[here, d, live, 'v', [student, who_rel], 'T', c_rel], [english, d, study, 'v', [student, who_rel], 'T', c_rel], the]	One derivation. Doubly stacked relative clause. We assume FormSet (Chomsky, 2021) is an available Narrow Syntax operation for independently formed syntactic objects that meet certain (syntactic) parallelism requirements. The following two C_relP's can be formed in the Workspace separately: {who_rel student, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ lives here}} {who_rel student, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ studies English}} In each case, Phase head C_rel attracts DP who_rel student to its edge. By economy, both Rel and T on C_rel are valued by Nominative Case-marked subject who_rel student, (and the option of the complementizer that is not available). Next, n-ary FormSet applies (n ≥ 2): { {who_rel student, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ lives here}}, {who_rel student, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ studies English}} } Because we have a parallel set, denoted here by {... } (and by a straight connecting line in the tree representation), necessary to distinguish it from a set formed by Merge, raising must apply Across-the-Board (ATB)-style to all members of the set. N student has an unvalued (by who_rel) D-feature. It raises to head a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. We therefore obtain {student, { {who_rel ~~student~~, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ lives here}}, {who_rel ~~student~~, {C_rel, ~~who_rel student~~ studies English}} } (Assume in general that a set formed by FormSet must undergo ATB-style extraction before further Merge (for Labeling/INT reasons). See (Fong & Oishi, 2023) for further details. We just note here the possibility of coordination, e.g. the student who lives here and who studies English.) As with the regular (non-FormSet) case, student heads a new nominal, and Merges with the, which values its D-feature. EXT: C_rel does not spell out. Nominative who_rel spells out as who.